asianaffairs

New strategies for Asia's Old Silk Road

A recent seminar that focused on the Old Silk Road, its political significance and roles past, present and future, was jointly hosted by The Democracy Forum and the LSE's Asia Research Centre.

By Subhash Chopra

DEEP IN THOUGHT: Professor Athar Hussain (left) and historian John Keay in a moment of contemplation

The romance of Asia's Old Silk Road has cast an abiding spell on generations of adventurers, traders, historians and travellers. The road, part of which probably began in the 4th century BC with Alexander's route march from Greece to India's Punjab, and which acquired its modern Silk Road name only in the 19th century, could perhaps just as well be called The Silk Lore. Even the politicians and military strategists have caught the bug. Not to be left behind, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, speaking recently in Chennai, called for its revival and the re-opening of the trade route from Afghanistan to central Asia, Pakistan and eventually to India. (The US is behind moves to hold meetings in New York and Bonn for a 'New Silk Route' with its hub in Afghanistan).

Throwing light on this enchanting subject at a seminar at the London School of Economics, organised jointly by The Democracy Forum and the LSE's Asia Research Centre (ARC), speakers from a variety of disciplines offered insights into the long and winding highways and byways associated with the route. The seminar, entitled 'Silk Road/Spice Route: Legacy, Relevance & Opportunities', delved deep into the past with an eye on the geo-political road ahead.

Historians John Keay and Professor James Millward dwelt on the fascinating history of the old Silk Road in the opening session chaired by Dr Ruth Kattumuri of the ARC. The land route not only enabled goods to be transported and traded but also spread ideas and faiths like Buddhism across China and from Tibet to Ceylon, said John Keay. The Gandhara school of and sculpture, as evidenced by the Buddha statues of Bamiyan (destroyed by the Taliban in recent years), flourished along the route. Interestingly, he also pointed out that sea routes were used simultaneously and were equally important for trade and exchange of ideas. India's west coast from Kerala to Gujarat had a string of vibrant ports, with Calicut in Kerala an eminent centre whose pepper spice along with silk often served as a currency and an instrument of exchange of goods. The arrival of Christianity on the same coast in the first century AD from Arabia was another historic event facilitated by the sea trade of the times. Spices and silk were high value commodities, hence the Spice and Silk Route nomenclature.

Professor James Millward of Georgetown University said the trade route from China to Europe was probably a series of networks by stages, with central Asia as the trade hub. It was also the route of ideas and religions, with the spread of Buddhism and later of Islam a testimony to its spiritual role. The development of transport and weapons technology also came along the route, as did cuisine and wine-drinking as accompaniments to poetry and love lore. The interaction of Hellenic and Indian cultures and the development of literary genres — from India's Jataka Tales and Panchatantra to Aesop's fables, Boccacio and Chaucer's tales — all had their early beginnings in the Silk Route era. Significantly, it was also the Paper Route, where the Chinese technology of paper-making was born, setting off a global revolution in the world of letters.

Speaking on the geo-political significance of the Chinese-built Karakoram Highway through Xinjiang or East Turkestan to Gilgit-Baltistan and Pakistan, the ARC's Professor Athar Hussain said China was unlikely to spend more money on a parallel new rail link to further strengthen Sino-Pak ties, as developing sea routes was much more cost-effective. He even suggested that the Chinese support for Pakistan on the Kashmir issue had undergone a sort of nuance change in recent years: from full support for the Pakistani demand for a plebiscite in Kashmir, the Chinese have begun to view Kashmir as a bilateral issue between Pakistan and India. Perhaps China would not like to put at risk its burgeoning trade with India.

Professor Hussain, who spoke on the issue of Gilgit-Baltistan in the wider context of the old Silk Road, asked whether the route's revival could bring back its former significance in the modern context of China's desire for westward expansion. He stated that the water resources of the region were more significant strategically, and agreed that trade was a vital issue. Drawing comparisons between China/Taiwan and Indo-Pak relationships, he showed how China and Taiwan had forged close economic ties despite a fraught political situation — ties made difficult for India and Pakistan to forge due to the Kashmir question. More flexibility was needed on the Pakistani side, suggested Professor Hussain, though the internal situation in the country would make this problematic. He said that the Pakistan military believed it held a very powerful geopolitical card in terms of urging western powers to support it against India. The real power in Pakistan rested only with the military and he expressed 'realistic optimism' that a limited agreement between the two countries might be possible, as war was too harmful for both.

Professor Anatol Lieven of King's College, London wondered whether some form of geo-political reconciliation could be achieved between India and Pakistan, without which, he warned, trade would not be possible. He drew attention to China's strategic rather than economic interest in the Karakoram Highway and voiced doubts about the extent of China's economic and political commitment to Pakistan. He pointed out that India's strategic position gave it an ability to disrupt China's Indian Ocean routes and said that China, therefore, had a greater incentive to be friendly with India rather than Pakistan.

Professor Lieven also considered the chances of India and Pakistan reaching a limited agreement on infrastructure projects in Afghanistan that would benefit both sides, since neither was likely to get exactly what it wanted, and reflected on what interest China could have in promoting an Indo-Pak detente. From the floor, one journalist questioned Professor Lieven's 'pessimism' on Indo-Pak relations, pointing out that the Indus Water Treaty had survived more than 60 years and that the two countries have for several years continued to exchange information on nuclear installations, besides opening up some trade across the Line of Control. But Professor Lieven stressed that conditions would have to be conducive on both sides and parliamentary agreements had to be made on various issues, most notably on Kashmir no easy task, given the history of the region and the fact that Pakistan's decision-making rests in the hands of the army, which, he said, was, ironically, both an obstacle to peace between Pakistan and India, and the only institution that could bring it about.

A comment from Professor Lieven regarding Pakistan's draconian anti-blasphemy laws prompted Pakistan High Commission representative, Political Counsellor Khaled Majid, to accuse the seminar of descending into 'Pakistan-bashing', to which both Professor Lieven and Ashis Ray of the Times of India, who chaired the session, offered Mr Majid the chance to present his own views. Mr Majid simply stated that trade between India and Pakistan was desirable but suggested a return to the main topic in hand rather than bringing in other subjects.

Dolkun Isa of the World Uyghur Congress spoke of the Silk Road's international and historical significance, and East Turkestan's key position on the ancient Silk Road, as well as its role as a place of economic and cultural exchange between East and West. He referred to China's invasion of East Turkestan in 1876, after which the area was renamed Xinjiang (now called Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region). The Uyghur people are, he said, at the heart of East/West culture, and their blend of influences includes Chinese, European, North African, Russian and Indian traditions. As Sunni Muslims, they have close cultural and linguistic ties to ethnic groups in Central Asia.

Twice, in 1933 and 1944, they had been successful in setting up their independent Eastern Turkestan Republic. Yet although Eastern Turkestan is called an 'autonomous region', no right to self-rule has been granted to the Uyghurs and their basic freedoms and rights continue to be violated by the Chinese authorities, who label them variously as 'capitalists', 'illegal religious activists' and 'terrorists', cracking down on peaceful demonstrations, eliminating the Uyghur language from all levels of education, destroying important Uyghur cultural sites such as Kashgar's Old City, one of the most important cities of the Silk Road, and preventing those under 18 from attending mosques.

Forced labour is also imposed, means of communication are blocked and Uyghur people 'disappear' or are executed. Despite strong condemnation by the European Parliament and the UN against the executions of Uyghurs and Tibetans, the Chinese authorities continue in their violent oppression. Nearly 40 Uyghurs have been killed during recent protests, Isa said.

Tom Deegan of The Democracy Forum read extracts from author Louisa Greve's paper on 'The Shanghai Cooperation Organization [SCO] and Other Multilateral Frameworks: Implications for Political Economy on the Modern Silk Road'. The paper focused on China's campaign to develop a modern Silk Road in order to establish energy security. It also dealt with human rights abuses against the Uyghur people through the medium of the SCO. Ms Greve asserted that the SCO was an instrument of China in gaining a hegemony over smaller Central Asian states.

The final session of the seminar explored cultural relations between the UK and the Silk Road region, including projects by the British Museum and the British Council aimed at developing global relations.

Dr Kattumuri rounded off the day's events by saying that the seminar had generated lively debate and new ideas and expressed the hope that the gathering of academics and lay people could meet again in the future to continue expanding these ideas. Some participants suggested another seminar on Afghanistan before NATO's withdrawal from the region.

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