On the other hand, New Delhi hardly took notice of the three-day Indo-Pak meeting held right under its nose. The local media, generally influenced by the establishment, was slightly better. That shows the difference between official and non-official initiatives, not-withstanding the fact that both represent the peoples' aspirations. In Third World countries, nothing moves without an official nod.

Sheikh Hasina's visit, which took place after one year of her rule, has come at a time when she has assessed her country's needs and India's capacity to meet them. Before she could ask for anything it was apparent that if her government could not lift her people economically, she would slide still more on the popularity graph, already down from 83 per cent to 67 per cent as a recent survey of a Bengali daily from Dhaka shows. The Indo-Pak meet also felt the time was ripe for the two countries to start talking. In fact, its plea gives New Delhi an opportunity to think over its stand once again, which has become counter-productive.

Sheikh Hasina's biggest contribution to Bangladesh is the strength she has given to democratic and secular forces — the plank on which she fought the election and won three-fourths of seats in Jayti Sangad (parliament). India too has, in turn, gained. Lessening of fundamentalism in a neighbouring country helps. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has in Sheikh Hasina a prime minister who will not allow her country's soil to be used by anti-India groups, which not only have taken refuge in Bangladesh but have also been operating from there. When Dhaka handed over to Delhi the ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) leaders, the insurgents from Assam, it was the turning of a new leaf in relations.

In fact, during the talks between Manmohan Singh and Sheikh Hasina, when the latter took a principled stand and assured Singh that no terrorists would be allowed to function from her country, the entire scenario changed. She had a long list of demands. But   even before she could read the first    line, Manmohan Singh reportedly said that she did not have to ask for   anything. Whatever is the need of Bangladesh, India will go to the farthest extent to meet it. The proposed $600 million credit to Dhaka was doubled. India  gave an undertaking that it would not take any step on the Tipaimukh Hydro Electric project without the consent of Bangladesh where it had become a controversial issue. Nor did New Delhi ask for any transit facility which again was a sensitive issue with Dhaka.
The resolve to eliminate terrorism is what the region wants, from Kabul to Dhaka. Islamabad would like New  Delhi to join the operation but India is in no mood to listen to Pakistani's argument for the resumption of a composite dialogue. The 26/11 Mumbai carnage perpetrated by Pakistan-based terror outfits, even though 14 months' old, is still fresh in the minds of Indian people.

The Indo-Pak meet has also appreciated the point and has suggested a bilateral and regional approach to combat the menace. It would be better if Manmohan Singh and Sheikh Hasina were to integrate their efforts with the ones initiated by Pakistan Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai. It would also take the wind out of Pakistan's sails and the country would have no defence left about the withdrawal of its forces from the eastern border along India and putting them on the western tribal areas for a meaningful fight against the Taliban.

The Pakistani speakers were frank enough to admit the havoc the terrorists were creating in their country. One of them said that anyone leaving the house was not sure whether he would return alive. Islamabad needs to be retrieved. It does not mean that India will be less anxious in having Pakistan pursue its effort to book the perpetrators of 26/11. But it does mean that New Delhi's frozen attitude would melt so that the two countries can meet across the table once again. Disappointment in Pakistan over the 'no' to talks should not make President Asif Ali Zardari indulge in jingoism and say that they would wage a thousand-year war against India. He may want to bolster himself politically. But his rhetoric may make him more dependable on the army, which has been the biggest factor in Pakistan.

It is strange that Islamabad has not yet understood how the system works in New Delhi. Or else Pakistan would not have overreacted to the statement by India's Chief of the Army Staff General Deepak Kapoor that his  country may have to prepare for war against China and Pakistan. However irresponsible the statement, it does not pose any threat to Pakistan. Defence Minister A.K. Anthony scoffed at Islamabad's reaction.

General Kapoor is not like his Pakistani counterpart General Pervez Kayani. The systems in two countries are different. General Kapoor or the army has no say in India's political affairs. He is due to retire after serving his tenure. The government will soon be naming his successor. Making a mountain out of a molehill gives the impression as if Pakistan is trying to score a point, however weak and far-fetched. What all this boils down to is  the unending mistrust. Until it is replaced by confidence, the two sides have to see that they do not present an exaggerated picture, indulge in accusations or imagine something which has no basis.

. top